Anarchism has always stood deliberately for a broad, and at times vague, political platform. The reasoning is sound; blueprints create rigid dogma and stifle the creative spirit of revolt. Along the same lines and resulting in the same problems, Anarchists have rejected the "disciplined" leadership that is found in many other political groupings on the Left. The reasoning for this is also sound; leadership based on authority is inherently hierarchical. It seems to follow logically that since Anarchists have shied away from anything static, that they would also shy away from the importance of symbols and icons.
While this is may be an explanation of why the origination of Anarchist symbols is elusive and inconclusive, the fact is, Anarchists have used symbolism in their revolt against the State and Capital, not only the black flag, but also the circled-A and the red-and-black flag. Circled-As are spray-painted on walls and under bridges all over the world; punks display them on their jackets and scrawl them into half-dried cement. Black and red-and-black flags were resurrected in Russia and eastern Europe after the fall of state socialism and continue to fly in most parts of the world.
Therefore, the anarchist movement has various symbols associated with it. The most famous of these are the circled-A, the black flag and the red-and-black flag. This appendix tries to indicate the history of these symbols. Ironically enough, the one of the original anarchist symbols was the red flag (indeed, as anarchist historians Nicolas Walter and Heiner Becker note, "Kropotkin always preferred the red flag" [Peter Kropotkin, Act for Yourselves, p. 128]). This is unsurprising as anarchism is a form of socialism and came out of the general socialist and labour movements. Common roots would imply common imaginary. However, as mainstream socialism developed in the nineteenth century into either reformist social democracy or the state socialism of the revolutionary Marxists, anarchists developed their own images of revolt, starting with the Black Flag.
In this appendix we present a short history of the more famous symbols, namely the Black and the Red-and-Black Flags as well as the circled a. We would like to point out that this appendix is based on Jason Wehling's 1995 essay Anarchism and the History of the Black Flag. Needless to say, this appendix does not cover all anarchists symbols. For example, recently the red-and-black flag has become complemented by the green-and-black flag of eco-anarchism. Other popular symbols include the IWW inspired "Wildcat," the Black Rose and the ironic "little black bomb" (among others). However, we concentrate here on the three most famous ones.
There are ample accounts of the use of black flags by anarchists.
Probably the most famous, was Nestor Makhno's partisans during the Russia
Revolution. Under the black banner, his army routed a dozen armies and
kept a large portion of the Ukraine free from concentrated power for a
good couple years (see Peter Arshinov's History of the Makhnovist
Movement for details of this important movement). On the black flag
was embroidered "Liberty or Death" and "The Land to the Peasant, The
Factories to the Workers." [Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible,
p. 475] In the 1910s, Emiliano Zapata, the Mexican revolutionary,
used a black flag with a skull & crossbones & the Virgin on it -- it
also had "Land & Liberty" as a slogan ("Tierra y Libertad"). In 1925,
the Japanese anarchists formed the Black Youth League and, in 1945,
when the anarchist federation reformed, their journal was named Kurohata
(Black Flag) [Op. Cit., p. 525-6]. More recently, Parisian students
carried black (and red) flags during the massive General Strike of 1968
as well as at the America Students for a Democratic Society national
convention of the same year. At about the same time, the British based
magazine Black Flag was started and is still going strong. Today,
if you go to any sizeable demonstration you will usually see the
Black Flag raised by the anarchists present.
But the anarchists' black flag originated much earlier than this. The
first account is actually unknown. It seems that this credit is reserved
for Louise Michel, famous participant in the Paris Commune of 1871.
According to Anarchist historian George Woodcock, Michel flew the black
flag on March 9, 1883, during demonstration of the unemployed in Paris,
France. An open air meeting of the
unemployed was broken up by the police and around 500 demonstrators,
with Michel at the front carrying a black flag and shouting "Bread,
work, or lead!" marched off towards the Boulevard Saint-Germain.
The crowd pillaged three baker's shops before the police attacked.
Michel was arrested and sentenced to six years solidarity
confinement. Public pressure soon forced the granting of an
amnesty. [George Woodcock, Anarchism, pp. 251-2]. However, anarchists
had been using red-and-black flags a number of years previously (see
next section) so Michel's use of the colour black was not totally
without precedence.
Not long after, the black symbol made it's way to America. Paul Avrich
reports that on November 27, 1884, the black flag was displayed in
Chicago at an Anarchist demonstration. According to Avrich, August Spies,
one of the famous Haymarket martyrs, "noted that this was the first
occasion on which [the black flag] had been unfurled on American soil."
[Paul Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 144-145]
On a more dreary note, February 13, 1921 was the date that marked the end
of black flags in Soviet Russia. On that day, Peter Kropotkin's funeral
took place in Moscow. Masses of people whose march stretched for miles,
carried black banners that read, "Where there is authority there is no
freedom." [Paul Avrich, The Anarchists in the Russian Revolution, p. 26]
It seems that black flags didn't appear in Russia until the founding of
the Chernoe Zhania ("black banner") movement in 1905. Only two weeks
after Kropotkin's funeral march, the Kronstadt rebellion broke out and
anarchism was erased from Soviet Russia for good.
While the events above are fairly well known, as has been related, the
exact origin of the black flag is not. What is known is that a large
number of Anarchist groups in the early 1880s adopted titles associated
with black. In July of 1881, the Black International was founded in London.
This was an attempt to reorganise the Anarchist wing of recently dissolved
First International [George Woodcock, Op. Cit., p. 212-4]. In October 1881,
a meeting in Chicago lead to the International Working People's Association
being formed in North America. This organisation, also known as the Black
International, affiliated to the London organisation. [Clifford Harper,
Anarchy: A Graphic Guide, p. 76, Woodcock, Op. Cit., p. 393] These two
conferences are immediately followed by Michel's demonstration (1883) and
the black flags in Chicago (1884).
Further solidifying this period (circa early 1880s) as the birth of the
symbol is the name of a short lived French Anarchist publication: "Le
Drapeau Noir" (The Black Flag). According to Roderick Kedward, this
Anarchist paper existed for a few years dating sometime before October
1882, when a bomb was thrown into a cafe in Lyons [The Anarchists: the
men who shocked an era p. 35]. Backing up this theory, Avrich states
that in 1884, the black flag "was the new anarchist emblem" [Paul
Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 144]. In agreement, Murray Bookchin
reports that "in later years, the Anarchists were to adopt the black
flag" when speaking of the Spanish Anarchist movement in June, 1870
[Murray Bookchin, The Spanish Anarchists, p. 57]. At that time,
anarchists widely used the red flag. It appears obvious (though
not conclusive) that this is the period that the black flag bonded
with Anarchism.
However, use of the red flag did not instantly
die out. Thus we find Kropotkin writing Words of a Rebel (published
in 1885, but written between 1880 and 1882) of "anarchist groups . . .
rais[ing] the red flag of revolution." As Woodcock notes, the "black
flag was not universally accepted by anarchists at this time. Many,
like Kropotkin, still thought of themselves as socialists and of the
red flag as theirs also." [Words of a Rebel, p. 75, p. 225] In
addition, we find the Chicago anarchists using both black and red
flags all through the 1880s. Similarly, we find Louise Michel stating:
"The red banner, which has always stood for liberty, frightens
the executioners because it is so red with our blood. The
black flag, with layers of blood upon it from those who
wanted to live by working or die by fighting, frightens
those who want to live off the work of others. Those red
and black banners wave over us mourning our dead and wave
over our hopes for the dawn that is breaking." [The Red
Virgin: Memoirs of Louise Michel, pp. 193-4]
French Anarchists carried three red flags at the funeral
of Louise Michel's mother in 1885 as well as at her own
funeral in January 1905. [Op. Cit., p. 183 and p. 201]
Therefore, for a considerable period of time anarchists
used both black and red flags as their symbol. The Mexican
anarchists, for example, said they had "hoisted the Red
Flag on Mexico's fields of action" as part of its "war
against Authority, war against Capital, and war against
the Church" in 1911. They were "fighting under the Red Flag
to the famous cry of 'Land and Liberty.'" [Ricardo Flores
Magon, Land and Liberty, p. 98 and p. 100]
The general drift away from the red flag towards the black must
be placed in the historical context. During the later part of the
1870s and in the 1880s the socialist movement was changing. Marxist
social democracy was being the dominant socialist trend, with
libertarian socialism going into decline in many areas. Thus
the red flag was increasingly associated with the authoritarian
and statist (and increasingly reformist) side of the socialist
movement. In order to distinguish themselves from other socialists,
the use of the black flag makes perfect sense. Not only was it an
accepted symbol of working class revolt, it shared the same origins
in the 1831 Lyons revolt [Bookchin, The Third Revolution, vol. 2,
p. 65]. After the Russian Revolution and its slide into dictatorship
(first under Lenin, then Stalin) anarchist use of the red flag
decreased as it no longer "stood for liberty" and was associated
with the Communist Parties or, at best, bureaucratic, reformist
and authoritarian social democracy. Anarchists would still use
red in their flags, but only when combined with black (see
next section). In this
way they would not associate themselves with the tyranny of the USSR.
It seems that figuring out when the connection was made is easier than
finding out why, exactly, black was chosen. The Chicago "Alarm", which is
right from the horses mouth, stated that the black flag is "the fearful symbol of hunger, misery and death" [Paul Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy,
p. 144]. Bookchin asserts that the black flag is the "symbol of the
workers misery and as an expression of their anger and bitterness."
[Op. Cit., p. 57]. Historian Bruce C. Nelson also notes that the Black
Flag was considered "the emblem of hunger" when it was unfurled in
Chicago in 1884. [Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's
Anarchists, p. 141, p. 150] Louise Michel argued that the "black flag
is the flag of strikes and the flag of those who are hungry."
[Op. Cit., p. 168]
Along these lines, Albert Meltzer maintains that the association between
the black flag and working class revolt "originated in Rheims [France] in
1831 ('Work or Death') in an unemployed demonstration." [Albert Meltzer,
The Anarcho-Quiz Book, p. 49] In fact he goes on to assert that it
was Michel's action in 1883 that solidified the association. The links
from revolts in France to anarchism are even stronger. As Murray Bookchin
records, in Lyon "[i]n 1831, the silk-weaving artisans. . . rose in armed
conflict to gain a better tarif, or contract, from the merchants.
For a brief period they actually took control of the city, under
red and black flags -- which made their insurrection a memorable
event in the history of revolutionary symbols. Their use of the
word mutuelisme to denote the associative disposition of society
that they preferred made their insurrection a memorable event in
the history of anarchist thought as well, since Proudhon appears
to have picked up the word from them during his brief stay in the
city in 1843-4." [The Third Revolution, vol. 2, p. 157] Sharif
Gemie confirms this, noting that a police report sent to the Lyon
prefect that said: "The silk-weavers of the Croix-Rousse have
decided that tomorrow they will go down to Lyon, carrying a black
flag, calling for work or death." The revolt saw the Black Flag
raised:
Kropotkin himself states that its use continued in the French labour
movement after this uprising. He notes that the Paris Workers "raised
in June [1848] their black flag of 'Bread or Labour'" [Act for
Yourselves, p. 100]
The use of the black flag by anarchists, therefore, is an expression
of their roots and activity in the labour movement in Europe,
particularly in France. The anarchist adoption of the Black Flag
by the anarchist movement in the 1880s reflects its use as "the
traditional symbol of hunger, poverty and despair" and that it was
"raised during popular risings in Europe as a sign of no surrender
and no quarter." [Walter and Becker, Act for Yourselves, p. 128]
This is unsurprising given the nature of anarchist politics. Just
as anarchists base their ideas on actual working class practice,
they would also base their symbols on those created by the practice.
For example, Proudhon as well as taking the term "mutualism" from
radical workers also argued that co-operative "labour associations"
had "spontaneously, without prompting and without capital been
formed in Paris and in Lyon. . . the proof of it [mutualism, the
organisation of credit and labour]. . . lies in current practice,
revolutionary practice." He considered his ideas, in other words,
to be an expression of working class self-activity. [No Gods, No
Masters, vol. 1, pp. 59-60] Indeed, according to K. Steven Vincent,
there was "close similarity between the associational ideal of
Proudhon . . . and the program of the Lyon Mutualists" and that
there was "a remarkable convergence [between the ideas], and
it is likely that Proudhon was able to articulate his positive
program more coherently because of the example of the silk
workers of Lyon. The socialist ideal that he championed was
already being realised, to a certain extent, by such workers."
[Piere-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French Republican
Socialism, p. 164] Other anarchists have made similar
arguments concerning anarchism being the expression of
tendencies within society and working class struggle (for
Kropotkin see section J.5) and so the using of a traditional
workers' symbol would be a natural expression of this aspect
of anarchism.
Similarly, perhaps it is Louise Michel's comment that the Black
Flag was the "flag of strikes" which could explain the naming
of the Black International founded in 1881 (and so the
increasing use of the Black Flag in anarchist circles in the
early 1880s). Around the time of its founding congress
Kropotkin was formulating the idea that this organisation
would be a "Strikers' International" (Internationale
Greviste) -- it would be "an organisation of resistance, of
strikes." [Kropotkin, quoted by Martin A. Miller, Kropotkin,
p. 147] In December 1881 he discussed the revival of the
International Workers Association as an Strikers'
International
for to "be able to make the revolution, the mass of workers
will have to organise themselves. Resistance and strikes are
excellent methods of organisation for doing this." He stressed
that the "strike develops the sentiment of solidarity" and
argued that the First International "was born of strikes;
it was fundamentally a strikers' organisation." [quoted by
Caroline Cahm, Kropotkin and the Rise of Revolutionary
Anarchism, 1872-1886, p. 255 and p. 256] A "Strikers
International" would need the strikers flag and so,
perhaps, the Black International got its name.
While the idea of the "Strikers' International" was, like the
Black International itself, somewhat stillborn, anarchists
did encourage and support strikes during this period. It
seems possible, although not totally proven, that the Black
International and use of the Black Flag came about, in part,
because of Kropotkin's ideas and articles. This, of course,
fits perfectly with the use of the Black Flag as a symbol
of workers' resistance by anarchism, a political expression
of that resistance.
But there are other possibilities.
Black is a very powerful colour, or anti-colour as it were. The 1880s
were a time of extreme anarchist activity. The Black International saw
the introduction of "propaganda by the deed" as an anarchist
platform.
Historically black has been associated with blood -- dried
blood specifically -- like the red flag (as Louise Michel
put it, in 1871 "Lyon, Marseille, Narbonne, all had
their own Communes, and like ours [in Paris], theirs
too were drowned in the blood of revolutionaries. That
is why our flags are red. Why our red banners so terribly
frightening to those persons who have caused them to be
stained that colour?" [Louise Michel, Op. Cit., p. 65]).
So while it is tied to working class rebellion, it was
also a symbol of the nihilism of the period (a nihilism
generated by the mass slaughter of Communards by the
French ruling class after the fall of the Paris Commune
of 1871).
It is this slaughter of the Communards which may also point to
the use of the Black Flag by anarchists. Black "is the colour of
mourning [at least in Western cultures], it symbolises our mourning
for dead comrades, those whose lives were taken by war, on the
battlefield (between states) or in the streets and on the
picket lines (between classes)." [Chico, "letters", Freedom,
vol. 48, No. 12, p. 10] Given the 25 000 dead in the Commune,
many of them anarchists and libertarian socialists, the use of
the Black Flag by anarchists after this event would make sense.
Sandino, the Nicaraguan libertarian socialist (whose use of the
red-and-black colours we discuss in the
next section) also
said that black stood for mourning ("Red for liberty; black
for mourning; and the skull for a struggle to the death"
[Donald C. Hodges, Sandino's Communism, p. 24]).
There is a possible philosophical rationale behind the use
the colour black. Another reason why anarchists turned to
the black flag could be because of its nature as a sign of
"negation". Many of the writers on the Black Flag have
mentioned this aspect, for example Howard J. Ehrlich
argues that black "is a shade of negation. The black
flag is the negation of all flags." [Reinventing Anarchy,
Again, p. 31] As a symbol of negation, the black flag
fits nicely in with some of Bakunin's ideas -- particularly
his ideas on progress. Being influenced by Hegel, Bakunin
accepted Hegel's dialectical method but always stressed
that the negative side was motive force within it (see
Robert M. Culter's introduction to The Basic Bakunin for
details). Thus he defines progress as the negation of the
initial position (for example, in God and the State, he
argues that "[e]very development . . . implies the negation
of its point of departure" [p. 48]). What better sign to
signify the anarchist movement than one which is the
negation of all other flags, this negation signifying
the movement into a higher form of social life? Thus the
black flag could symbolise the negation of existing society,
of all existing states, and so paves the way for a new
society, a free one. However, whether this was a factor
in the adoption of the black flag or just a coincidence
we cannot tell at this moment.
There is also an interesting connection between the black flag and
pirates. There is an unconfirmed report that Louise Michel, while lead
the women's battalion during the Paris Commune of 1871, may have flown
the skull and crossbones. But the association may go further.
Pirates were seen as rebels, as free spirits, and often ruthless killers.
While pirates varied a great deal, many had an elected Captain of the
pirate ship. In some cases the captain wasn't even male, which was very
unusual for the time. He or she was "subject to instant recall", and life
on board a pirate ship was certainly more democratic than life on board
ships of the British, American or French Navies -- let alone a merchant
ship.
For pirates, the black flag was a symbol of death; the give-away being a
skull and bones on black. A sign equivalent with "surrender or die!" It
was intended to scare their victims into submitting without a fight. It
operated in much the same way as Ghengis Khan's armies.
Many others also adopted the black flag as a sign of "surrender or die!".
A Confederate officer named Quantrill in during the American Civil War
fought under the black flag. He was known as unwilling to show mercy to
his opponents and he did not expect any mercy in return. Also, General
Santa Anna of Mexico was a notorious flyer of the black flag. He even
flew them at the Alamo. Accompanying the black banner, he had his buglers
play a call named "The Deguello," which was a call that meant "no quarter
will be given" (Take No Prisoners). This use of the black flag was
echoed by the America anarchists of the Black International. While
it "was interpreted in anarchist circles as the symbol of death, hunger
and misery" it was "also said to be the 'emblem of retribution'" and in
a labour procession in Cincinnati in January 1885, "it was further
acknowledged to be the banner of working-class intransigence, as
demonstrated by the words 'No Quarter' inscribed on it." [Donald C.
Hodges, Sandino's Communism, p. 21 -- see also Avrich, Op. Cit.,
p. 82]
While Khan, Quantrill and General Santa Anna are not connected to
anarchism in the slightest -- pirates, on the other hand, are more
complicated. They were seen as rebels. Rebels without a state, owing
allegiance to no code of law except whatever makeshift rules they
improvised amongst themselves. Certainly pirates were not consciously
anarchist, and often acted no better than barbarians. But what is
important is how they were seen. Their symbol was the embodiment of
rebellion and the spirit of lawlessness and rebellion. They were hated
by the ruling class.
This may have been enough for the starving and unemployed to pick up the
black flag in revolt. In fact, one could quickly get a hold of a piece of
red or black cloth in a riot. Getting hold of the material was easy.
Painting a complicated symbol on it took time. So an improvised rebel
flag raised in a riot was likely to be of just one colour. Hence it
follows nicely that the black flag flew without the skull and bones
because it was necessarily make-shift for a riot.
To this question of the black flag, Howard Ehrlich has a great passage in
his book Reinventing Anarchy, Again. It is worth quoting at length:
"But black is also beautiful. It is a colour of determination, of resolve,
of strength, a colour by which all others are clarified and defined.
Black is the mysterious surrounding of germination, of fertility, the
breeding ground of new life which always evolves, renews, refreshes, and
reproduces itself in darkness. The seed hidden in the earth, the strange
journey of the sperm, the secret growth of the embryo in the womb all
these the blackness surrounds and protects.
"So black is negation, is anger, is outrage, is mourning, is beauty, is
hope, is the fostering and sheltering of new forms of human life and
relationship on and with this earth. The black flag means all these
things. We are proud to carry it, sorry we have to, and look forward to
the day when such a symbol will no longer be necessary." [Reinventing
Anarchy, Again, pp. 31-2]
The red-and-black flag has been associated with anarchism for some time.
Murray Bookchin places the creation of this flag in Spain:
However, there is plenty of evidence to suggest that the red-and-black
flag spread across to other countries, particularly those with strong
links to Spain (such as other Latin countries). For example, during the
"Two Red Years" in Italy which culminated in the factory occupations of
1920 (see section A.5.5) the red-and-black flag was raised by workers
in revolt [Gwyn A. Williams, Proletarian Order, p. 241] Similarly,
Augusto Sandino, the radical Nicaraguan national liberation fighter
was so inspired by the example of the Mexican anarcho-syndicalists
during the Mexican revolution that he based his movement's flag on their red-and-black ones (the Sandinista's flag is divided horizontally,
rather than diagonally). As historian Donald C. Hodges notes, Sandino's
"red and black flag had an anarcho-syndicalist origin, having been
introduced into Mexico by Spanish immigrants." Unsurprisingly, his
flag was considered a "workers' flag symbolising their struggle for
liberation." (Hodges refers to Sandino's "peculiar brand of
anarcho-communism" suggesting that his appropriation of the flag
indicated a strong libertarian theme to his politics). [Intellectual
Foundations of the Nicaraguan Revolution, p. 49, p. 137, p. 19]
In the English speaking world, the use of the red-and-black flag by
anarchists seems to spring from the world-wide publicity generated
by the Spanish Revolution and Civil War in 1936. With CNT-FAI related
information spreading across the world, the familiarity of the
CNT inspired red-and-black flag also spread until it became a
common anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist symbol in all countries.
For some, the red-and-black flag is associated with anarcho-syndicalism
more than anarchism. As Albert Meltzer puts it, "[t]he flag of the
labour movement (not necessarily only of socialism) is red. The
CNT of Spain originated the red-and-black of anarchosyndicalism
(anarchism plus the labour movement)." [Anarcho-Quiz Book, p. 50]
Donald C. Hodges makes a similar point, when he states that "[o]n
the insignia of the Mexico's House of the World Worker [the Mexican
anarcho-syndicalist union], the red band stood for the economic
struggle of workers against the proprietary classes, and the
black for their insurrectionary struggle." [Sandino's Communism,
p. 22]
George Woodcock also stresses the Spanish origin of the flag:
However, there are earlier recorded uses of the red-and-black
flag, suggesting it was, perhaps, rediscovered by the Spanish
Anarchists rather than invented by them. The earliest use of
the red-and-black colours is during the attempted Italian
insurrection of August 1874. While a failure, some of those
involved were "sporting the anarchists' red and black cockade."
In April 1877, a similar attempt at provoking rebellion saw
anarchists enter the small Italian town of Letino "wearing
red and black cockades and waving a banner of the same
colours." These actions helped to "captur[e] national
attention" and "draw considerable notice to the International
and its socialist programme." [Nunzio Pernicone, Italian
Anarchism, 1864-1892, p. 93, p. 124 and pp. 126-7] Both
T. R. Ravindranathan [Bakunin and the Italians, p. 228]
and George Woodcock record the same event and the same flag.
being used. [Anarchism, p. 285]
There is also a report of the red-and-black flag being used
by anarchists a few years later in Mexico. At an anarchist
protest meeting on December 14th, 1879, at Columbus Park in
Mexico City "[s]ome five thousand persons gathered replete
with numerous red-and-black flags, some of which bore the
inscription 'La Social, Liga International del Jura.' A
large black banner bearing the inscription 'La Social, Gran
Liga International' covered the front of the speaker's
platform." The links between the Mexican and European
anarchist movements were strong, as the "nineteenth-century
Mexican urban labour-movement maintained direct contact with
the Jura branch of the . . . European-based First International
Workingmen's Association and at one stage openly affiliated
with it." [John M. Hart, Anarchism and the Mexican Working
Class, 1860-1931, p. 58 and p. 17]
Therefore, it is not surprising we find movements in Mexico
and Italy using the same flags. Both were in the same
anti-authoritarian International as the Jura federation and
had close links with it. Both the Italian and Mexican anarchist
movements were involved in the First International and its
anti-authoritarian off-spring. Both, like the Jura Federation
in Switzerland, were heavily involved in union organising and
strikes. Given the clear links and similarities between the
collectivist anarchism of the First International (the most
famous advocate of which was Bakunin) and anarcho-syndicalism,
it is not surprising that they used similar symbols. As Kropotkin
argued, "Syndicalism is nothing other than the rebirth of
the International -- federalist, worker, Latin." [quoted
by Martin A. Miller, Kropotkin, p. 176] So a rebirth of
symbols would not be a co-incidence.
Two other factors suggest that the combination of red and
black flags was a logical development. Given that the black
and red flags were associated with the Lyon's uprising of
1831, perhaps the development of the red-and-black flag is not
too unusual. Similarly, given that the Black Flag was the
"flag of strikes" (to quote Louise Michel -- see
last section)
it use with the red flag of the labour movement seems a
natural development for a movement with anarchism and
anarcho-syndicalism which bases itself on direct action
and the importance of strikes in the class struggle.
However, in spite of these uses of the red-and-black flag in
the late 1870s, it seems to have fallen into disuse and it was
only with the founding of the CNT over 30 years later in Spain
that it was used again on a wide scale.
Over time association with anarcho-syndicalism has become less
noted, with many non-syndicalist anarchists happy to use the
red-and-black flag (many anarcho-communists use the red-and-black
flag, for example). It would be a good generalisation to state that
social anarchists are more inclined to use the red-and-black flag
than individualist anarchists are social anarchists are usually
more willing to align themselves with the wider socialist and
labour movements than individualists (in modern times at least).
Thus the red-and-black flag comes from the experience of anarchists
in the labour movement and is particularly associated with
anarcho-syndicalism. The black represents libertarian ideas and
strikes (i.e. direct action), the red represents the labour movement.
However, it has become a standard anarchist symbol as the years have
went by, with the black still representing anarchy and the red
social co-operation or solidarity. Thus the red-and-black flag
more than any one symbol symbolises the aim of anarchism ("Liberty
of the individual and social co-operation of the whole community"
[Peter Kropotkin, Act for Yourselves, p. 102]) as well as its
means ("[t]o make the revolution, the mass of workers will
have to organise themselves. Resistance and the strike are
excellent means of organisation for doing this" and "the
strike develops the sentiment of solidarity." [Peter
Kropotkin, quoted by Caroline Cahm, Kropotkin and the
Rise of Revolutionary Anarchism: 1872-1186, p. 255 and
p. 256]).
1 What is the history of the Black Flag?
"How many wrathful people, young people, will be with us
when the red and black banners wave in the wind of anger!
What a tidal wave it will be when the red and black banners
rise around the old wreck [of capitalist society]!
"At eleven a.m. the silk-weavers' columns descended the slops of
the Croix-Rousse. Some carried black flags, the colour of mourning
and a reminder of their economic distress. Others pushed loaves of
bread on the bayonets of their guns and held them aloft. The
symbolic force of this action was reinforced by a repeatedly-shouted
slogan: 'bread or lead!': in other words, if they were not given
bread which they could afford, then they were prepared to face
bullets. At some point during the rebellion, a more eloquent
expression was devised: 'Vivre en travaillant ou mourir en
combattant!' - 'Live working or die by fighting!'. Some witnesses
report seeing this painted on a black flag." [Sharif Gemie,
French Revolutions, 1815-1914, pp. 52-53]
"Why is our flag black? Black is a shade of negation. The black flag is
the negation of all flags. It is a negation of nationhood which puts the
human race against itself and denies the unity of all humankind. Black is
a mood of anger and outrage at all the hideous crimes against humanity
perpetrated in the name of allegiance to one state or another. It is
anger and outrage at the insult to human intelligence implied in the
pretences, hypocrisies, and cheap chicaneries of governments . . .
Black is also a colour of mourning; the black flag which cancels out the
nation also mourns its victims the countless millions murdered in wars,
external and internal, to the greater glory and stability of some bloody
state. It mourns for those whose labour is robbed (taxed) to pay for the
slaughter and oppression of other human beings. It mourns not only the
death of the body but the crippling of the spirit under authoritarian and
hierarchic systems; it mourns the millions of brain cells blacked out
with never a chance to light up the world. It is a colour of inconsolable
grief.
2 Why the red-and-black flag?
"The presence of black flags together with red ones became a feature of
Anarchist demonstrations throughout Europe and the Americas. With the
establishment of the CNT [in 1910], a single flag on which black and
red were separated diagonally, was adopted and used mainly in Spain."
[The Spanish Anarchists, p. 57]
"The anarcho-syndicalist flag in Spain was black and red,
divided diagonally. In the days of the [First] International
the anarchists, like other socialist sects, carried the red
flag, but later they tended to substitute for it the black
flag. The black-and-red flag symbolised an attempt to unite
the spirit of later anarchism with the mass appeal of the
International." [Anarchism, p. 325f]